Sunday 31 July 2016

SENIOR ADVOCATE IN INDIA

CONFLICT OF INTEREST OF THE SENIOR ADVOCATES FUNCTIONING SIMULTANEOUSLY AS LEGISLATIVE MEMBERS

   The democracy in India is on cross roads today. The directional signs are confusing rather than challenging.
There is a glaring lacuna in our system, which I would like to share with you. Our democracy envisages for separation of powers, with mutual checks and balances. The judiciary, the executive, legislature and media are four pillars upon which the roof of democracy is raised and held.  Each organ is made accountable to other organs through constitutional mechanism. Such an accountability is founded upon the separation of powers between these organs. As these organs are independent of each others, each will be able to check the excesses or misadventure of each of other organs.
But the greatest concept of this mutual accountability will be at grave danger if all these organs are controlled by the same persons.  That’s what the grave danger faced by our democracy now. The constitutional makers had ensured that no bureaucrat enters into the legislature and function as an executive and legislature simultaneously. Whereas no such separation or restrictions are provided for the advocates! May be because, most of the constitutional makers themselves were advocates.
An advocate is an officer of the court. He is part and parcel of the judiciary, which is an independent body.
Now many advocates, especially senior advocates have taken political career and entered in to the parliament, and became part of executive also, by becoming ministers. The list is long. Now the same persons sit in parliament and pass laws, execute them as ministers and challenge it as advocates!!!!!! This is a butchering of democratic principle. They are clubbing together the pillars of democracy unto themselves, making the roof to fall. Apart from serving their self interests, such multiple roles do not serve any purpose for the nation and it's people. Even, when the parliament brought in the National Judicial Appointment Commission for fair and transparent selection of judges to higher judiciary, the advocates, especially senior advocates like Mr.Ravishankar Prasad, Mr. Kapil Sibal, Mr.Ramjetmalani, Mr.Arun Jetly, Mr.P.Chidambaram, Mr.A.M.Singhvi and many more like them had conflict of interest with such parliamentary action. Even the Attorney General, being duty bound to defend the Parliamentary Act in a judicial proceeding did not do it whole heartedly, as he had also a conflict of interest with the issue in hand.
Hence none of them came forward to support the will of the people. Their interests were best served by thwarting the people’s mandate, to vest the authorities away from the people. Even when they are members of the parliament, they continue to adorn the ‘senior advocate’ designation as a title to their names. Even though titles are abolished by our democratic constitution, it re-emerges in new forms and formats. All these so called senor advocates serves their vested interests by being part of power structure in all the organs simultaneously and serve each other!!!  No bureaucrat can be part of legislature or ministry. Before even contesting for that he has to resign, whereas these advocates do not surrender their legal practicing licence before entering into parliament or even by becoming minister. It is not understood, how a person who is not in full time professional practice can continue to hold the licence to practice... Some justification will surely be cooked out by these self serving holders of power, together with their close beneficiaries. They can make law for themselves, defend it for themselves before the judicial review and execute it as ministers. This is a pathetic situation for the people of India and it's democracy. The separation of power is demolished and decomposed, even though it is declared as the inalienable primordial and transcendental basic structure of the constitution by the Kehsavananda Bharati Judgment.
There are no checks and balances or accountability for their activities. Because, even if any of the organs take up any issue of corruption, or illegality at their parts, they are the part of the power structure in that organ. They are omnipresent and hence omnipotent too. This is totally against the constitutional mechanism of separation of powers.  Hence there is an urgent need to make these people accountable, by forcing them to choose any one of the profession/responsibility with only one organ of their choice and save the constitutional democracy.
If we do not force them to be part of only one power structure, they will continue to butcher the Indian democracy as they do now. So the need of the hour is to arise and awake on this aspect.

Adv.A.C.Philip,
Jt.Secretary(Litigation),
National Lawyers’ Campaign for Judicial Transparency and Reforms.


                                                                                                               











Friday 29 July 2016

SUPREME COURT AS THE PROTECTOR AND PROVIDER OF DEMOCRACY IN INDIA

SUPREME COURT AS THE PROTECTOR AND PROVIDER OF DEMOCRACY  IN INDIA

 The concept of protector and provider is divine. The faithful considers the divine/ God as the provider and the protector.
In our nation, being sovereign democratic republic, who is the protector of democracy and it's sovereignty? It is nothing but the people itself. No organ of the nation can assume the role of people by replacing them. The people may use it's organs as tools to achieve any of their objectives.  
The period of emergency (1975-77) was a great threat to our democracy and Fundamental Rights. The citizens even failed to get their Fundamental Rights protected through the courts. Even parliament passed Constitution (42nd Amendment) Act, which stood as a threat to the democratic functions and Fundamental rights. The executive exhibited rampant violations of the freedoms enjoyed by citizens. So who protected the democracy and constitution? It's nobody, other than ‘we the people’. The people of India pro0tected the constitution and it's constitutional democracy through the ballots in polling booths. People forced the parliament to correct the aberrations and damages caused by the constitution (42nd Amendment)Act, through Constitution (44th Amendment) Act. So none of the organs can assume the role of protector of the people! The organ of the nation are protected by it's people! The people are the masters of the nation. All others are in service to the master. But, when a servant in his wildest dream assumes that he is the protector of his master, then it's time for the master to rethink about the employability. Under that wrong notion, if the servant starts dictating terms to his master, he shall be taught afresh that the master is a master.  When the organs are used by the people to achieve their objectives, it's the master using the tools. It's not that the master wrongly assumes the functions and proclaims itself as the protector of the master. As far as the people of the country are concerned, the last words of Buddha is vital :- “look not for refuge to anyone besides yourself”.
Under this wrong notion, assuming the role of protector of the people, the new terminology being used as ‘immature civil society’.
The constitution termed the people with utmost respect and placed them as the provider of the constitution. Hence the terminology, “We the People”.
Hypothetically let us think that the present hon’ble judges are most responsible individuals who will exercise the entire powers invested without any accountability, in a righteous and heavenly manner, without resorting to any nepotism or favouritism. They all may be holding saintly qualities. I am neither saying it is so, nor saying it is not. It is only a hypothesis and nothing to do with the present reality. Only as a matter of hypothesis for a moment let us think so. Still it can never prove and assure that all the future judges who will handle such magnified and unaccountable powers will be saints forever. There may be devils also, who may assume such powers. Some may become devil, after assuming such super powers. Then what remedy the nation is holding against such misuse of powers, by such unscrupulous and unaccountable use of powers against the common interest of the institution and nation? Hence the very requirement of every authority to be within it's bounds and responsible to be accountable.


Every institution is functioning through human beings, who by very nature are likely to err in its decision making or execution of its authority.  It can be a meaningful functioning, only if checks and balances are in existence. Every power shall be accountable to another. And such chain of accountability ultimately culminates with the people at large, who are the sovereign decision makers and judges. The political authority is answerable to the people of India through the electoral process. In a democratic process, no authority can exist, not being answerable to anybody. Every worldly power shall be accountable. The only one unaccountable power is divine power. Under no stretch of imagination, it is possible to understand that the judiciary enjoys divine powers, even though some pretends so! Hence   it has no right to enjoy unaccountable powers. It shall be remembered that ‘ let you be of at any height, the law is above you’. The law of equity says: ‘Lex non a rege est violanda’, which means:- The law must not be violated even by the King. The political authority is answerable to the people through elections. In a democratic process, no authority can exist, not being answerable to anybody. If at all it exists, it is undemocratic and the error needs to be corrected. It is at this cross roads the NJAC Act,2014 stands. The constitutional amendment Act,2014 envisages so.

Wednesday 27 July 2016

NLC-for-JTR Stand explained by Adv.Mathews J Nedumpara

Dear All,

I wish to make the NLC's stand on the issue of   appointments to the higher judiciary crystal clear. What we are demanding is not the appointment by the politicians instead of the Collegium of judges. We don't want neither of them have a big say.What we are campaigning for is the greater  diversity in Judicial appointments. The question is not who is the "de facto" appointing authority. But, who are appointed. The judges since usurping the power of appointment to themselves in 1993 have acted in a manner far  worse than the political executive would have acted had they been invested of the absolute power of appointment. They appointed their kith and kin.Indulged in crassa nepotism and favoritism. Literally an  oligarchy. If the power is shifted to the political executive they will try to appoint their favourites. They cannot certainly  be trusted at all. The solution is an independent "Judicial Appointments Commission" as in UK. The NJAC was a legislation in that direction. By a literal coupe de'tante the judges quashed it and restored to themselves  the power of appointment. The NLC consider it be the duty of every enlightened citizen to oppose the same and demand the investiture  of a mechanism which will select the judges on the basis of MERIT simultaneously ensuring that greater diversity is obtained . The first generation lawyers coming from humble backgrounds and have come up in the profession by dint of hard work and upholding ethical values  should also have a fair chance.That is not negotiable.  The NLC is not a movement of the BJP sympathisers. The opinion of Arun Jaitely,Ravi Shankar Prasad etc who are part of  the elite league in Delhi decide what ought to be stand of the BJP. We are not with them.The less said about Kapil Sibal,Abhishek Manu Singhvi etal who determine what is the stand of the Congress is still worse. There is no room for party politics here. Here all are welcome;who believe in NLC's cause. It's agenda.There is no other caveat.There is hardly any room for disagreement with the agenda of the Campaign. They are:

I. Open selection of judges by inviting applications from all eligible lawyers;
2.Vedio Recording of the court proceedings;
3.Bringing an end to "uncle judges Syndrome" by  implementing  the transfer policy ;
4.Repeal of the concept of contempt of court by "scandalisation" and thereby secure the freedom of speech;
5.Judicial Ombudsman to redress complaints against the judges without impinging Judicial independence;
6.Fair treatment of the litigant public;
7.Simplification of court procedures ;
8. Rights of the innocent languishing in jails. 
9. Bring an end to arbitrary arrests;
10.Welfare of the junior lawyers; 
Etc. etc 
🙏
Mathews J Nedumpara, President,NLC-for-JTR

THE LEGAL MYTH OF ARTICLE 141 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA

GIEBBEL’S THEORY is all about the use of a lie so "colossal" that no one would believe that someone "could have the impudence to distort the truth so infamously." The principle is sometimes translated and abbreviated as the pithy saying: "Make the lie big, make it simple, keep saying it, and eventually they will believe it."[1]  Rather it preaches that- “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it”.  And to some extend it has become practical also in actual sense. Giebbel was the lieutenant of Hitler in Nazi regime who handled propaganda. This theory is the basis of modern propaganda as well, by which, some myths are developed in legal regime of our nation. Some are discussed below.  

  THE LEGAL MYTH OF ARTICLE 141OF THE CONSTITUTION

The simple question is who is empowered to make the law for the land; the Judges or the Parliament?  The lay people who have studied a bit of law in school curriculum have no difficulty to answer the said question; for him the question is not complex; the Parliament alone can enact the law of the land; declare what it ought to be.  But the distinguished lawyers believed that the Supreme Court can declare the law of the land, forgetting the fact that Article 141 of the Constitution in unmistakable terms states that “the law declared by the Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts within the territory of India.”  Article 141, which is nothing but adoption/reincarnation of Section 212 of the Government of India Act, 1935.  Article 141 is nothing but the constitutional recognition of precedent. Section 212 of the Government of India Act,1935 is as follows:-
“212. The law declared by the Federal Court and by any judgment of the Privy Council shall, so far as applicable, be recognised as binding on, and shall be followed by, all courts in British India, and, so far as respects the application and interpretation of this Act or any Order in Council there under or any matter with respect to which the Federal Legislature has power to make laws in relation to the State, in any Federated State.”
The Article 141 of the Constitution reads as follows:-
“141. Law declared by Supreme Court to be binding on all courts.-
The law declared by the Supreme Court shall be binding on all courts within the territory of India.”  
Article 141 gives a constitutional status to the doctrine of stare decisis, nay, precedent, and nothing more.  The Constitution does not at all contemplate that the Supreme Court, or for that matter any Court, is invested with the jurisdiction to declare/enact a law for the land.  It is preposterous to think that the Supreme Court is invested with the jurisdiction to declare what the law of the land is.  The reason is simple.  If the Supreme Court were to be invested with such a jurisdiction, then before it decides any question of law where its decision is going to bind the whole country, it should issue notice to the entire nation and patiently hear whomsoever intends to participate in the hearing.  To hear the entire nation on any question of law which will affect their rights and liberties is impossible.
The constituent assembly debates make it amble clear( Article 141 of the Constitution was originally Article 117 of the Draft Constitution):-
Article 117
Mr. President: We then come to article 117.
(Amendment No. 1945, was not moved.)
Shri H. V. Kamath : Mr. President, Sir, I move:
"That in article 117, for the words 'all courts' the words 'all other courts' be substituted."
So if this is accepted, the article will read thus:
"That law declared by the Supreme Court shall be binding on all other courts within the territory of India."
I have no doubt in my own mind that this article does not seek to bind the Supreme Court by its own judgments. What is intended by the article is, I am sure, that other courts subordinate to the Supreme Court in this land shall be bound by the judgments and the law declared by the Supreme Court from time to time. It will be unwise to bind the Supreme Court itself, because in order to ensure elasticity, in order to enable mistakes and errors to be rectified, and to leave room for growth, the Supreme Court will have to be excluded from the purview of this article. The Supreme Court may amend its own judgments, or its own interpretation of the law which it might have made on a previous occasion and rectify the errors it has committed earlier. Therefore I feel that the intention of this article would be correctly and precisely conveyed by saying that the law of the Supreme Court shall be binding on "all other courts" within the territory of India.
Sir, I move.
(Amendments Nos. 1947 and 1948 were not moved).
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Sir, there is one point which I should like to mention. It is not certainly the intention of the proposed article that the Supreme Court sould be bound by its own decision like the House of Lords. The Supreme Court would be free to change its decision and take a different view from the one which it had taken before. So far as the language is concerned I am quite satisfied that the intention is carried out.
Shri H. V. Kamath: Then why not say "all other courts"?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : "All courts" means " all other courts."
Mr. President : The question is:
"That in article 117, for the words 'all courts' the words 'all other courts' be substituted."
The amendment was negatived.
Mr. President: The question is:
"That article 117 stand part of the Constitution."
The motion was adopted. Article 117 was added to the Constitution._”[2]

It clearly shows that the law laid down by the Supreme Court of India is not the law of the land. If it were to be the law of the land, then it should have a binding force upon the Supreme Court of India itself. Once it is excluded, it remains to be a precedent only and nothing more, nothing less. The law of the land will be binding upon the law makers also. The law of the land shall be laid down by the sovereign of the nation, nay people of the country, or ‘we the people’ acting through it's elected representatives. If that premise is not enforced in letter and spirit, there is no existence of Constitutional democracy.
Hence the law of the land is laid down by the legislature and not by the Supreme Court of India under Article 141 or 32 of the Constitution. It's only recognition of precedent, which is not binding even upon the Supreme Court of India itself.
If in any case the other concept that the law laid down by Supreme Court of India is the law of the land is accepted, then it leads to many absurdities. It destroys the democratic process of the nation. If Supreme Court can pass judgments which are binding on all the 129 crores of people of this country, without hearing them and without notice to them, then, India is not a democracy. Legendary Justice (Rtd.) Krishna Iyer coined the word ‘Courtocracy’ to ventilate his anguish and pain over the sorry state of affairs. If the judges rule this country, being the executive, legislature and the judiciary, all at once, then the Supreme legislature, the sovereign of the nation, ‘we the people’ are reduced to slaves. Further, as the said law is not binding upon the Supreme Court of India itself, the SCI emerges as a poser, which is above law. The law of equity declares that ‘let you be of any high, the law is above you” If this the true, Article 141 cannot lay down the law of the land, but  only the binding precedent for the other courts and tribunals.   
    Though neither the Supreme Court nor the High Courts or any other Court could embark upon a hearing and declare what the law of the land is, Courts have been doing precisely that for long and, since the invention of the jurisprudence of PIL, which legendary Justice Krishna Iyer lamented to be a “ravenous wolf in sheep's clothing”, day in and day out by the Supreme Court and various High Courts of the country.  The reason for this Himalayan error, which has not received public attention, is the difference associated with the concept of what is and what is not justiciable.  The Court’s duty is to adjudicate disputes where a “person aggrieved” for violation of his constitutional, fundamental, equitable or legal rights, liberties, estates etc., seeks enforcement of his rights.  Therefore, the existence of a “person aggrieved” is the foundation of a lis and in common law access to justice was confined only to the person aggrieved.  In India, out of poverty, ignorance, illiteracy and many other similar disadvantages whose fundamental or legal rights are infringed – the under trial prisoners, bonded labourers et al – could not on their own invoke the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Courts.  By evolving a jurisdiction called PIL, legendary Judges like P.N. Bhagwati, Y.V. Chandrachud, M.N. Venkatchaliah et al, by relaxing the concept of locus standi, made it possible for some public spirited person acting pro bono publico to take up the cause of such aggrieved persons.  That is how the jurisdiction of PIL was conceived and PIL thus understood was wholly legitimate, well within the concept of jurisprudence.  PIL thus meant the concept of judicial review a reality to the poor and helpless.  The remedy in PIL thus sought was for enforcement of the rights of a person aggrieved, but as time passed, particularly in Judges-2, Judges-3 and the present Judges-4 (NJAC) cases, the elementary principles of jurisprudence, nay, the need for a “person aggrieved” for a PIL to be understood was lost sight of.
Now it is for the people to decide, which is more sacrosanct- the constitution or the decision of the judiciary! The judiciary itself being the creation of the constitution, how it's judgments assume more sanctity than that of it's parent document, the constitution itself?



[1]  Mein Kampf, by  Adolf Hitler,  vol. I, ch. X.
[2] Constituent Assembly debates Volume:VIII, Book: 10,Page:34

Tuesday 26 July 2016

APPOINTMENT OF JUDGES TO SUPREME COURT OF INDIA-CHALLENGES

IN THE HIGH COURT OF DELHI AT NEW Delhi

CIVIL ORIGINAL JURISDICTION

LETTERS PATENT APPEAL NO. 340  OF 2016

(Against the judgment and order in Writ Petition (C) No. 4229/2016)


R.P. Luthra                                        … Appellant

       Versus

Union of India & Ors.                          … Respondents

BRIEF ARGUMENT NOTE ON BEHALF OF THE Appellant.

1.   The petitioner is constrained to submit the instant argument note, as he is not given due opportunity raise his legal arguments before this bench during the hearing, and further, as he is bound by the dictum and order of this Hon’ble Court for submitting the written arguments. This argument note is in addition and furtherance of the pleadings already made by the petitioner in the WP(C)No.4229/2016 and the instant LPA, together with the oral arguments made during the hearing.
2.   The petitioner is before this Hon’ble Court on three dimensions, namely as a citizen, for whom the Part three of the Constitution, the most sacrosanct rights are left without any remedy under  Article 32 of the Constitution, as a lawyer, who is concerned about the independence of judiciary          and as an eligible candidate for the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court of India, whose right to equality before law, right to practice his profession and right to life and liberty which includes dignified life as well are infringed.
3.   Article 14 of the Constitution assures every citizen, equality before law and opportunity. Whereas the petitioner, being an eligible candidate to be appointed as the judge of Supreme Court of India,  has been denied and equal opportunity, by not considering his name for the said appointment. The recommendation to the appointment of the judges of the Supreme Court of India, which is under challenge under the instant appeal is done without giving the petitioner an equal opportunity to be considered, and evaluated on merits for such appointments. Whereas the said appointments are made without considering the petitioner and hence in violation of his fundamental right to equality before law.
4.   Article 16 of the constitution assures every citizen of equality in matters of public employment, whereas the petitioner is denied the said equality by way of being denied an opportunity to prove his merits before the appointing authority and hence his Fundamental Right is violated. The appointment as the judge of Supreme Court of India is a public office under the state, to which the Fundamental Right rightly and squarely applies. The petitioner is unduly discriminated against and hence the said recommendation is void ab-initio and non-est in the eyes of law.
5.   Article 19(g) of the constitution of India assures every citizen the right to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business. Whereas the petitioner being a lawyer, is denied an opportunity to practice his profession as a judge, as he is denied unduly an opportunity to be considered for appointment as a judge of Supreme Court of India. This is in violation of the Fundamental Right of the petitioner. The petitioner’s right to practice and profession is denied and taken away unduly and unjustly.
6.   Article 21 of the Constitution ensures the right to life and liberty, which includes, not only the vegetating stage of life, but by its all manifestations of dignity and respect. Whereas the petitioner, being denied an opportunity to be considered to the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court of India, has been infringed with his dignity and respect, where, his caliber and merits are thrown to the drains, without being evaluated. Whereas the petitioner in all aspect considers himself to be eligible to be appointed as the judge of the Supreme Court of India. It is not the non appointment of the petitioner which infringes his Fundamental Right of life and liberty with its full bloom, but, surely the non consideration of his name for the said appointment, and non evaluation of his merits to such appointments. The present recommendations are made without any yardstick of evaluating merits or any bench mark to ascertain the qualities and intrinsic worth. Hence the petitioner’s Right to life with dignity and respect is taken away without any due process of law.  The respondent, the state, has condemned the petitioner by denying him an opportunity to be considered for the said recommendation and appointment, and hence the said recommendation is in violation of his Fundamental Right guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution of India.
7.   As a citizen, a responsible citizen of India, the petitioner always cherishes for and independent judiciary, evolved out of the merit oriented appointments. Whereas the instant recommendations and appointments are made without any such yardstick to evaluate the merits and any bench mark to ascertain the qualities. The petitioner emphasis that, even for the appointment of a class-4 staff or even for appointing a sweeper, the benchmark and yardsticks for ascertaining the merits, together with a transparent selection process is available at every state opportunities. Whereas the present recommendations of appointments to the higher judiciary goes without any such evaluation of merits, which is in violation of the Fundamental Rights available to the petitioner as a citizen. Whereas the petitioner is denied an opportunity to defend his Fundamental Rights before the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India under Article 32 of the Constitution of India, as the remedy available to the petitioner for any violation of his Fundamental Rights are to be addressed by the Supreme Court. The petitioner can derive the remedy under Article 32 of the Constitution, if and only if the Supreme Court of India is a Court with merits, having been appointed with meritorious individuals with impeccable character and integrity. As the present recommendations are without ascertaining any of such qualities or qualifications or merits, the petitioner is left with no remedy for the violations of Fundamental Rights guaranteed under Part-III of the Constitution of India. The rights of the appellant can be enforced, only if the forum is meritorious and qualified. Whereas the present recommendations are without ascertaining the best merits available, but only after considering the limited persons, personally known to the recommending body. It has neither declared the vacancies, not called any applications from the eligible candidates or the persons of merits. Apart from the personal knowledge and intimacy of the recommending body, there is nothing on record to satisfy the institutional integrity of the appointments. For this, and many more grounds, the petitioner relies upon the entire judgment in ‘Centre for PIL and Anr Vs. UOI and Anr. (AIR 2011 SC 1267)’ and also the other judgments cited in the Writ Petition. To repeat, the petitioner relies upon each words of the said judgment for his submissions. As a citizen of India, the appellant is entitled to have the best merits in service to the nation from the available pool, and the denial of such meritorious judiciary to the appellant and the nation as a whole is denying him the independent judiciary, which is a primordial, inalienable and transcendental basic structure of the Constitution of India. 
8.   The appointment to the Supreme Court of India is not a promotion to be done on seniority, but a fresh appointment to be made on merits. Hence each and every judge/advocate/jurist who fulfils the criteria laid down in Article 124 of the Constitution of India is eligible for appointment to the Supreme Court of India, and the denial of opportunity to the others who are not considered is denial of best merits and caliber in service to the nation and therefore violative of the Fundamental Rights of the appellant to have the best judges to the judiciary. The recommendation for direct appointment to the Supreme Court of India is denial of such opportunity to the eligible judges of the various High Courts who are not considered for the impugned recommendations.  In a fresh appointment to the Supreme Court of India, there is no role to the seniority to play, but only the merits shall be the basis of consideration. The failure to consider the merits out of the available pool of High Court Judges, including the Chief Justices, irrespective of their seniority, is a denial of the appellant as a citizen of India, his Fundamental Rights to have the best and meritorious judges so as to remedy any violation of the rights guaranteed under part-III of the Constitution of India.  The said issue is mutatis mutandis holds with the appointments of judges of High Courts as well.  The magistrates and others holding judicial offices are denied opportunities in a similar manner, which are also violative of the Fundamental Rights assured under Part-III of the Constitution. In the said circumstances the petitioner is left with no remedy under article 32 of the constitution.
9.   The recommendation of the Collegium of the Supreme Court of India is not to be considered as a sacrosanct, untouchable and hallowed act of judiciary, but a fallible act of executive, as the act of recommending and appointing any office of the Union of India is an executive action, which remains as executive action irrespective of the fact that it is done by the person holding which chair. The said executive action is subject to judicial review, in accordance with the judgment by 13 judge bench in Kesavananda Bharati v. the State of Kerala (1973) Supp. SCR 1, which lays down that the judicial review is the basic structure of the Constitution of India. The said fallacies are well admitted by the Supreme Court in various judgments, including the judgment commonly known as NJAC judgment.
10.         The Union of India, the first respondent herein was duty bound to take every step to eliminate the corruption element in recommendations and appointments, which includes nepotism and favoritism, and unfortunately, there is nothing on record to suggest that there is any step taken towards such end.
11.         The recommending authority failed to ensure the lawfulness and legality of its decision. The said recommendations are in violation of the judgments of the Supreme Court of India, specifically the NJAC judgment and the Judges-2 and Judges-3 judgments. Admittedly, even till date the process as suggested by the NJAC judgment is not complete. The suggestions called from the public to which even the appellant has submitted valuable suggestions, have been put to drains in violation of the judgment of the constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court.
12.         The impugned judgment speaks in volume that the appellant was denied the right of equality of pleadings before the single judge, and hence resulted in violation of Article 14,19 and 21 of the Constitution of India, including other legal rights.  Hence the petitioner has no remedy other than this appeal.
13.         The appellant respectfully submits that, though, appellant in writ petition was rightly prevented to urge the prayers for setting aside the judgments of the Supreme Court and therefore appellant withdrew prayers (C) and(d) in the Writ petition and despite that the ld. Single Judge was please d to deal with the prayer (c) and (d) also, that too, without any submissions and without affording any opportunity to meet with the cited judgments.
14.         Hence petitioner submits his written arguments on this point also as below.  
15.         The instant appeal involves (a) simple practical issues and (b) complicated legal issues, both concerning appointment to the august office of the Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts.  The Appellant believes in the saying of Mahatma Gandhi that “a Dharma which does not meet the practical requirement of life is not dharma, but Adharma”.  Therefore, in the above Writ Petition, in which he raised both simple practical questions and complicated theoretical issues, he preferred to address the Hon'ble Court on the simple questions of great practical import.  The simple question which he raised was, what is the real issue which should dominate the discussion on the question of appointment of Judges to the higher judiciary; of the two questions, what is more relevant, who has greater or real say in the appointment of Judges, whether the Government or the Judiciary or the other question, namely, who all be the real appointing authority.  The Appellant felt that the core issue is, who indeed are appointed and who indeed has his fundamental or legal rights at stake?  The plea of the Appellant was that no matter whether the Government has primacy or the Judiciary has supremacy in the matter of appointment of Judges, in the ultimate analysis it is all about whom among the eligible lawyers/Judges who are appointed.  The plea of the Appellant, founded on statistics, is that in a system where the Judges have been appointing themselves, only the kith and kin of sitting and former Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts, their juniors, celebrated lawyers, Chief Ministers, Governors et al, and a few first generation lawyers who are all politically connected or are close to big industrial houses, nay, the elite class, are appointed, which meant denial of equal opportunity for consideration and appointment of lawyers who do not belong to the family of Judges, big lawyers or highly politically connected, the sons and nephews of former Chief Ministers, Governors, et al. 
16.         The plea of the Appellant was that while he does not claim any right to be appointed as a Judge, he satisfying the qualification prescribed by the Constitution, he is entitled to be considered for appointment as a Judge of a High Court, nay, even of the Supreme Court along with the hundreds, if not thousands, who are similarly eligible and equally, if not more, qualified and competent.  His plea was that the office of the Judges of the High Courts and Supreme Court are public offices of great import and he, and for that matter the ordinary class of lawyers who are not the kith and kin of Judges and others, commits no sin in entertaining the ambition to become a Judge of the High Court or of the Supreme Court or in firmly believing that he ought to have an equal opportunity to be considered.  The Appellant wants to make it abundantly clear that he does not claim that he has any right to be appointed, but that he, so too thousands of others who are equally eligible, has a right to apply for judgeship.  The right to be considered is distinct from the right to be appointed.  While the Appellant asserts the former, he concedes that no such right is invested in him in the latter. 

17.         A learned Single Judge, however, did not address the above fundamental issues which the Appellant argued.  In all humility the Appellant begs to submit that if the learned Single Judge were to consider this simple plea of his, which has great practical import, His Lordship would have found it difficult to deal with the same and decide it in the negative.  The Appellant does not cast any aspersion on the learned Single Judge; he considers the omission on the part of His Lordship as wholly bona fide, arising out of inadvertence.  Therefore, it is imperative that this Hon'ble Court exercising appellate jurisdiction considers in all earnestness the plea which the Appellant made before the learned single Judge and which was omitted to be considered.

18.         The second plea urged by the Appellant, but not argued, was the authoritativeness or otherwise of the judgments of the Supreme Court in Judges-2, Judges-3 and Judges-5 (NJAC) cases.  There is an unknown judgment known as Judges-4 case  (Suraz India Trust Vs. Union of India and Anr. (2012) 13 SCC 497-B) in which a Bench of three Hon'ble Judges of the Supreme Court referred to a larger Bench for consideration of the question as to the correctness of the judgments in Judges-2 and Judges-3 cases.

19.         The plea put forward by the Appellant, but not argued, was that Article 141 of the Constitution does not invest any power in the Supreme Court of India to declare the law of the land.  Article 141 only embodies the concept of stare decisis/precedent.  However, 65 years after independence and particularly since the judgment in Kesavananda Bharati v. the State of Kerala (1973) Supp. SCR 1, the concept of stare decisis embodied in Article 141 has been misunderstood to be as one having invested in the Supreme Court he power to declare the law of the land as if it is the Parliament, forgetting the fact that Parliament alone can declare what the law of the land ought to be.  The Appellant also pleaded with utmost respect that the judgment in Kesavananda Bharati (cited supra), though held in so high esteem, so much celebrated that it is almost treated as the Geeta, Bible and Quran and, therefore, cannot b criticized at all, has no foundation in jurisprudence.  The plea of the Appellant was that the judgment of the Eleven-Judge Constitution Bench in Golaknath v. State of Punjab AIR 1967 SC 1643, wherein it was held that Parliament has no power to amend the law to take away the fundamental rights of citizens is a far sound proposition than Kesavananda Bharati in so far as the latter judgment holding that the Parliament in its constituent power can abrogate the fundamental rights, but not the basic structure.  The Appellant’s plea was that the doctrine of basic structure has no foundation in jurisprudence; it is not recognized anywhere in the world; it is not part of the universal jurisprudence; it does not find any mention in any treaties on jurisprudence.  His plea was that the said proposition is one which has no legs to stand.  The reason is simple.  While the concept of judicial review is recognized where fundamental right is infringed or violated, be it at the hands of the legislature or executive, it will be inconceivable to consider that the doctrine of basic structure is justiciable. The concept of rule of law is founded on the principle ubi jus, ibi remedium – where there is a right there is a remedy, which envisages three things, namely, right, remedy and forum.  A judicial review to enforce a fundamental right will lie where there is violation of such a right.  The person whose right is so violated, in other words the person aggrieved, is entitled to the remedies which inure in him in law and he is entitled to enforce his remedy in a competent Court or Tribunal or forum.  Kesavananda Bharati did not envisage that violation of basic structure will invest in any person a right to relief or a forum to enforce it, but the later judgments of the Supreme Court in Judges-2, Minerva Mills v. Union of India  (1980) 2 SCC 591, M. Nagaraj & Ors. v. Union of India & Ors.  (2006) 8 SCC 212, I.R. Coelho (Dead) by LR v. State of Tamil Nadu & Ors., (2007) 2 SCC 1, Madras Bar Association (cited supra) etc., all, conceive a right to seek a judicial review on the ground of impingement of the basic structure without there in existence a complaint of violation of any fundamental right.  In the NJAC case, the Supreme Court Advocates on Record Association (SCAORA) did not claim in their PIL that any of its fundamental right is violated; so too in Judges-2 case; so too in Madras Bar Association case.

20.         6.              A new jurisprudence, questionable though, has emerged where a right to apply by way of a PIL for a declaration of nullity of an Act of Parliament, without there being a complaint of violation of any fundamental right.  This manifestly questionable jurisprudence raises many questions, the foremost of which being whether a Writ Petition could be instituted without there being a complaint of violation of any fundamental right; who all can apply for such declaration; who all can institute such a petition; could it be the exclusive privilege if a few lawyers, the elite class practicing in the Supreme Court or similar celebrities.  Obviously it cannot be so long as Article 14 remains in the Constitution because that leads to a proposition that the 129 crores of people of this country, each and every one, are invested with the right to apply; each and every citizen could act as if he is the Attorney General who can act as if he is the custodian of public interest and could claim a right to be heard.  Those who swear by the basic structure doctrine have not till date addressed them to the absurdity the said concept has led to.

21.         The Appellant, though questioned the absurdity of the concept of PIL as it is practised today and the judgments of the Supreme Court constituting to be the law of the land, which is what Article 141 of the Constitution has been misunderstood today; so too the absurd results of the concept of basic structure lead to, did not argue it, for he found it too arduous a task as it would mean changing the mindset, a near impossibility.

Dated this 27th  day of July, 2016.


Advocate for the Appellant

Thursday 21 July 2016

PETITION AGAINST THE DESIGNATION OF SENIOR ADVOCATES IN INDIA

   IN THE HIGH COURT OF DELHI AT NEW DELHI
CIVIL ORIGINAL JURISDICTION
WRIT PETITION (CIVIL) NO.  6331 OF 2016
BETWEEN
National Lawyers’ Campaign For
Judicial Transparency And Reforms 
and A.C.Philip                                                      …PETITIONERS
Versus
                 The B C I and UOI                                             …RESPONDENTS
SYNOPSIS 

The issues which the Petitioner seeks adjudication at the hands of this Hon'ble Court are of utmost importance and have great ramifications in so far as all the stakeholders of litigant, advocates, the Bench and the Bar along with the public at large (are concerned). For various reasons the petitioner is approaching this Hon’ble Court for making the transparency and accountability of the judiciary a reality, and hence to upkeep the independence of judiciary as well. Above this, the Republic of India is a democratic Nation, having established equality before law founded upon the greater human values. All the titles and hierarchical social structures were abolished by way of Constitution of India, and those rights of equality from which the fountain of civil liberties and rights are flowing are embedded into the Constitution as the Fundamental Rights, which are in a high pedestal than the legal rights and Constitutional rights. When a cause of action arises and the parties to such cause of action approach the court as parties to the proceedings, they are co-equal before the court of justice, and none of the actions or their antecedents or even the antecedents of their respective counsels shall have a cast upon the instant cause of action. They belong to the same class as humans and the human values as stands above the class consciousness is the foundation of equality established by the Constitution of India.  Whereas due to the economical differences as may be a fact of inequality between the parties,  that shall not be a reason to cause his cause of action or respective rights to be undervalued. The rights of an individual cannot be weighed based upon the economical strength or political power of the parties to the litigation. Hence the Great prophet, Amos writes:  ‘Hear this,  you who trample on the needy and bring the poor of the land to an end, ………………and deal deceitfully with false balances, that we may buy the poor for silver and the needy for a pair of sandals and sell the chaff of the wheat?”  (Amos:8.5-6). But when the advocates representing them are officially separated as different classed by legislation itself, it creates a prejudice even before the litigants enter into the doors of justice. It turns aside the needy at the gate. It forces the prudent to keep silent. But there is a need to establish justice at the gates of judiciary.  When the high and mighty are represented by high class advocates, as legally classified, and separately identified by separate dress codes, separate rights and separate salutations in the form of titles, and the other side is represented by second class advocates as classified by the law, the poor and needy gets justifications, sometimes not even that, and the powerful, high and wealthy bags fruits in the name of justice. The tree of justice in India bends before the mighty and super rich and the poor and marginalized finds the fruits of justice beyond their reach. The prophet Amos continues to declare:“But let the justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an ever flowing stream.” (Amos.5:24).  Hence this writ petition.  


WRIT PETITION UNDER ARTICLE 226 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA.

TO
THE HONOURABLE THE CHIEF JUSTICE
AND THE OTHER HONOURABLE PUISNE
JUDGES OF THIS HONOURABLE Court

THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE PETITIONER ABOVENAMED

MOST RESPECTFULLY SHEWETH
1.     The first petitioner is a registered society working for the betterment of judicial system and is approaching this court as a representative of it's member lawyers and their litigants, where they have to face the court across the length and breadth of the nation as a matter of profession. The first petitioner is registered organization of lawyers, having branches across the nation which is functioning for the transparency, accountability and reforms in judiciary.  The second petitioner is an ordinary lawyer, practicing in various courts, including the Supreme Court of India and is a member of Supreme Court Bar Association. While doing legal practice, being classified separately within the profession the ordinary advocates and their litigant clients is unduly deprived of right to equality, which is a fundamental right. The ‘National Lawyer’s Campaign for Judicial Transparency and Reforms’, which is a registered organization, has authorized this petition by it's general body resolution, copy of which is produced hereby (in the appendix). The Petitioner is instituting the instant Writ Petition for enforcement of  the  fundamental rights of it's members to be treated equally, nay, to put in other words, to secure an end to the prevalent practice in all Courts in the country, the Supreme Court and in particular and more particularly in the High Courts, of the preferential treatment given to the lawyers designated as Senior Advocates and the kith and kin of Judges and senior lawyers, who are afforded pre-audience over the lawyers who hail from humble backgrounds, the first generation lawyers – the sons and daughters of taxi drivers, farmers, fishermen, rickshaw pullers, daily wagers, teachers et al.  The ordinary class of lawyers have always felt as unfairly treated in comparison to the privileged class of lawyers, the Senior Advocates, kith and kin of Judges, not to speak of the senior lawyers as a class.  The Petitioner thought of elaborating to this extent, lest he should be seen that the instant is a petition which falls under a jurisprudence called PIL which has been put to so much of abuse, it being lamented as a “ravenous wolf in sheep's clothing” by legendary Justice Krishna Iyer.  The Petitioner wants to make it expressly clear that the instant petition does not belong to that category; it is not a PIL.  PIL is where the person aggrieved, out of his poverty, ignorance and such other disadvantages, could not approach this Hon'ble Court himself and is allowed to be represented by someone else acting pro bono publico for vindication of his rights.  Here the Petitioner himself is instituting the Writ Petition under Article 226 of the Constitution.  The issue which the Petitioner intends to highlight in the instant petition and the remedy which he hereby seeks maybe of great public concern, as well, but that does not alter the nature of this petition being a Writ Petition under Article 226 of the Constitution by the person aggrieved for the enforcement of his fundamental rights.
2.     The respondents are the authorities, legal as well as administrative, whereby they are called upon to respond to a suggested reform, by which there will be revolution, literally in the field of justice delivery in India, especially to the penniless common man.  The union of India is the party, just because, the Act in challenge is of the Union, and without it being a party, no Provision of the parliamentary Act can be challenged. Further, the first Respondent is the representative body of all the professional advocates practicing in India. Hence both are essential and proper parties.  
3.     Even when the issues raised by the petitioner involves public interest, the petitioner is not proceeding under the Public Interest Litigation(PIL) route, as the term is widely misunderstood and misused in recent times. The Petitioner is instituting the instant Writ Petition for enforcement of his fundamental rights as enshrined in Part III of the Constitution of India and in particular Articles 14,15,16,18,19 and 21 thereof.  As a matter of clarification, the petitioner is duty bound to discuss the same as infra.  The Petitioner wishes to make it clear in unmistakable terms that the instant is not a petition which comes under the most misunderstood and lawless “jurisprudence” called PIL, which one of the greatest propagators of the said benevolent jurisprudence as it was originally understood, castigated it to be today reduced to a “ravenous wolf in sheep's clothing”.  To allay the common misconception that PIL is a litigation, where one acts as an actor, nay, the petitioner, when he has no legal enforceable right, the Petitioner begs to emphasize, nay, bring to the public domain, that PIL as a principle of jurisprudence means relaxation of locus standi constitutionally permissible in so far as it is for the enforcement of a legal or constitutional right of a person or a group of persons who, out of their poverty, illiteracy and other disadvantages, are unable to knock at the doors of constitutional Courts.  
4.       Since at the very outset the Petitioner has stated in most categorical terms that the instant Writ Petition is instituted for the enforcement of his petitioner’s constitutional and legal rights, begs to submit that the Petitioner is fully conscious of the fact that, like it's members, the legal or constitutional rights of the 129 crores of people of this country are equally involved or are affected in so far as access to justice is deprived to them.  The concept of PIL as ordinarily envisaged by legendary Justices P.N. Bhagwati, V.R. Krishna Iyer et al, Hon'ble Judges who occupied the august office as Judges of the Supreme Court, could have provided an answer to the ground reality that access to justice is denied to the poor, downtrodden, illiterate, weak and the meek, economically and socially in all respects.  The concept of Public Interest Litigation(PIL) as evolved by the apex court is for the adjudication of the private rights of some underprivileged individuals or group of individuals, who is unable to approach the court for any of the reasons, and some public interested person, as a pro-bono action, approaches the court on behalf of the given underprivileged person(s), the question of ‘locus standi’ may be side stepped to entertain such litigation to meet the ends of justice. The Rules and procedures issued by the apex court, as well as various High Courts are amply clear in these terms. Whereas the said jurisdiction of the courts is time and again misused by many. The petitioner is not the custodian of public interest. The petitioner is a person, a citizen of India, approaching this Hon’ble Court seeking remedies to the infringement of his own Fundamental Rights.  But as a matter of fact, the prayer sought for in the instant Writ Petition involve the interest of the public at large, the petitioner seeks issue of notice to the public at large, in terms of order-I, Rule-8(ii) of the Code Of Civil Procedure, 1908, though such a procedure is seldom observed by the courts in PILs where the interest of the public at large are invariably involved. 
5.     The Magna Carta of 1215, which is considered the foundation of democratic thought process and equality included clauses which established the right of all ‘free men’ to justice. The concept of right to equality thus, envisages that everyone must be treated equally under the law regardless of their race, gender, national origin, color, ethnicity, religion, disability, or other characteristics, without privilege, discrimination, or bias. The general guarantee of equality is provided by most of the world's national constitutions, which finds it's place in the Fundamental Rights of our constitution as well. If we look to the laws, they shall afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if no social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way. The right to equality  also raises important and complex issues concerning equity, fairness, and justice.  The petitioner is not contemplating for an ideal legal egalitarianism, which may be considered as of now as utopian as well, what the petitioner contemplates is that, the law shall not cause any discrimination, and that too among the practitioners of law in violation of Article 14 of the constitution. Article 7 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law."   In the way of establishing a legal egalitarianism, Article 14 of the constitution of India state as follows:-
“14. The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.”  
But the hostility faced by the so called second class advocates in superior courts is far beyond fathomable. The aggressive gestures they face when appearing before the bench changes, to soft mellowed reception, when the upper class designated advocates appear. The often nature is the leaned forward aggressive appearance towards the second class or lower class advocates and leaned backward, leisurely appearance towards the higher class advocates. Such a hostile atmosphere makes the lower class advocates to appear under some phobia, while appearing for the purpose of their respective clients. It surely makes the rights of the clients being weighed at separate and distinct yardsticks, and the right to equality before law is given a quiet burial. Even when the section 16 and 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961 are destroying the Right to Equality, the fundamental right guaranteed under Article 14 of the Constitution, nobody is going to argue or accept the same, as the persons who are the beneficiaries are the same one to accept the said inequality, which they will promptly cover under the carpets, to derive benefits perennially. Hence there is a stiff resistance to the demand for the video recording of the court proceedings, under some or the other pretexts, even though the parliament and legislatures have agreed readily to adopt the new technologies to augment it's transparency.  Even though the court proceedings are the public proceedings, the general public hardly gets any access to the court proceedings, under the falsehood of security. If the court cannot stand for the needs of the people, cannot adopt the technologies in accordance with the changing times, then for whom it is existing is another question never answered.  Apart from some vested interests protecting themselves, it is not known, what is the deterrence in video recording the proceedings and allow the public to watch it. Some may fear that their glorious ignorance and lack of knowledge may be exposed to the public at large!   Whatever may be the reason, the resistance is stiff and rigid. Those who arranged their upper class designation through the back doors or purchased it may find it tough to perform when monitored by the public at large and they will no more be able to conceal their lack of erudition in the court room proceedings.  Hence both the sections 16 & 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961 and Article 14 of the Constitution can never co exist simultaneously. Hence the petitioner before this hon’ble Court seeking to strike down sections 16 & 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961, under it's writ jurisdiction in accordance with Article 226 read with Article 13.  
6.     Article 15 of the constitution demands that the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.  Whereas the section 23(5) of the Advocates Act provides that there shall be pre audience to the Senior advocates, which is establishing such a discrimination to it's subjects against the very concept of Article 15 of the Constitution. Only the wealthy are able to procure the services of the senior advocates and the not so fortunate litigant citizens are not in a position to procure such a premium service. Hence the priority which is extended to the senior advocates are against the rights of the less fortunate, and causing discrimination in the name of richness and poverty. Whereas the state is prevented from making any discrimination in the name of financial conditions of it's citizens. Hence the preference as provided in priority of hearing as per section 23(5)of Advocates Act,1961 is in violation of Article 15 of the Constitution of India.  Hence section 23(5) of Advocates Act,1961 together with Section 16 of the Act is liable to be declared as unconstitutional under Article 13 of the constitution read with Article 226.
7.     Article 16 of the Constitution, which contemplates another Fundamental Right states that there shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State. Whereas in the matter of opportunity with respect to opportunity to practice legal profession, said articles are violated by the sections 16 & 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961. Section 16 separates the professionals into two classes and by virtue of section 23(5) the loser class advocates so separated are given a lesser opportunity in practicing the profession, which is a denial of opportunity. An advocate is an non-salaried officer of the court and when he is discriminated under the law, his opportunity of office is affected, even though salaried.  Hence section 23(5) of Advocates Act,1961 together with Section 16 of the Act is liable to be declared as unconstitutional under Article 13 of the constitution read with Article 226.
8.     Article 18 declares that no title, not being a military or academic distinction, shall be conferred by the State.  Whereas the use and usage of Senior Advocate has evolved and established a title into itself, which is used in front of each designated individual’s name or together with the name to make it a title. Further this title being used as hereditary, even when the hereditary usage of such classification is not officially recognized, the petitioner finds it in all practical sense that rarely the first generation advocates are becoming fortunate enough to attain the superior classification, and hence for all practical purposes, the said classification has evolved as a matter of heredity. The reasons may be challenged by the fact that the second generation advocates gets a prior experience of the profession from their previous generation and hence they emerge as better advocates in the long run, especially at the younger age. But even taking the said hypothesis for good, that there is no power struggle involved and no nepotism is in the basket and the classification is not based upon the trades involved in such selection, it takes the situation to a destitute circumstance, that the knowledge is restricted to the family lineage, as in the case of ancient Indian knowledge, which were lost on the world arena, being imparted to the incompetent descendants only and the great nation Bharat had to become subordinate to the other nations during the times of next generations and technology and knowledge. This is the reemergence of the caste system, separating the profession by way of heredity, excluding the common academic institutions and the brilliant and efficient individuals who are the progenies of less fortunate. If this   commonly prevalent course of action is allowed to perpetuate in the nation and deep root into its legal and social structure for which the nation will be paying heavy price in all terms.   The loss of knowledge system to our nation in the yester years was the result of imparting knowledge to the family tree or class tree only in the closed doors of the opaque walls, excluding the academic institutions, and common structures. The situation will be more demeaning for the justice delivery system and the legal structure for the entire Nation. The foreign legal professional are more likely to enter into the Indian arena, and if the competent intellectuals are kept away from the professional structures, in the name of hereditary imparting of knowledge, infusing no confidence into the brilliant and well qualified individuals to take up this profession, the history will repeat itself, making the Indian mass to succumb to the foreign legal system once again.  The instant use of separate title has further emerged and is manifested with separate and identifiable salutation, separate identity by way of dress or ornamental wearing and ornamental designs. Even when such separate dress code is not authorized by any law for the time being in force, the individuals so designated continue to use such separate dress code as a matter of separate identity to propagate the title they enjoy before the Bench and the litigants. This is the clear indication that the designation has been emerged as a title which is abolished by way of Fundamental Rights of the citizens. Hence the use and usage of all such manifestations in association with the classification of advocates, which involves separate salutation, separate dress worn, that too without any legal sanctity,  and ornamental wearing are in violation of the abolition of titles and hence is against the fundamental rights of other practicing advocates and common citizens.   Further such separation and  separate rights and priviledges is the reemergence of the abolished title system in another terminology and process. It is neither academic, nor Military to be accepted as such. Hence  section 16 of Advocates Act,1961 under which the said titles are given, together with the separate dress worn by the so designated advocates are liable to be declared as unconstitutional under Article 13 of the constitution read with Articles 18 & 226.  
9.     Article 19(1) of the Constitution provides the citizens of India the rights to freedom of speech and expression and freedom to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business.  Whereas sections 16 & 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961 infringes the above said freedoms of Fundamental Rights. Section 23(5) of the said Acts practically shuts the mouth of the non-designated advocates, as they are superseded in audience as a matter of right by the upper class advocates. It infringes the right to freedom of speech of the other ordinary advocates and the clients they represents, as the advocates are speaking on the representative capacity. The freedom of speech as allowed by the Constitution is without time constraint or precedence in terms of real time and any infringement of the said freedom of speech and expression by precedence is an unreasonable restriction and apart from creating super class professionals for the service of the super rich persons, it serves no other purpose. The precedence in accordance with section 23(5) is the infringement of freedom of speech and expression guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution.
10. Further the said classification and precedence infringes the right of freedom to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business guaranteed under Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution. The separate salutation, the visible manifestations, the precedence allowed and other privileges, allowed or enhanced to and by the designated under sections 16 and 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961 is in infringement of the right of other advocates to practice their profession and occupation. It affects the Right to professional practice by the second class advocates, which means the non classified advocates.  Hence section 23(5) of Advocates Act,1961 together with Section 16 of the Act is liable to be declared as unconstitutional under Article 13 of the constitution read with Articles 19 & 226.  
11.The Right to life guaranteed by Article 21 of the constitution is interwoven with right to access to justice as well.
“No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.” is the text of the said Article. The Supreme Court in a plethora of judgments has held that the right to life is not a merely vegetating state, but with all it's manifestations and rights, to which access to justice is also an essential ingredient. Whereas the said sections 16 & 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961 prevents the penniless the access to justice, as the premium at which the said designated advocates are available are not affordable by the poor. It infringes their right to access to justice, as they are deprived of a co-equal audience by virtue of the said provisions. The pre audience allowed by the said legal provision is infringement of right to access to justice to the vast majority of the citizens, and hence is violating their fundamental right to life guaranteed. First class and second class advocates appear in a cause, creating prejudice in the courts, causing the justice being traversed to the party being represented by the second class advocate. The economic penury shall not be a reason for any person being deprived of justice. For this very reason our system has developed a methodology of legal aid. Even when the quality of service provided and the involvement made by the system is in question many a times, the objective remains to be noble. But at the same stretch of imagination, if the opposite party is represented by a senior counsel paid out of their pocket and the other party do not have such a financial resource, again this imbalance occurs, and in such case the party cannot resort to legal aid to get a senior appointed as his advocate.    Hence  section 23(5)of Advocates Act,1961 together with Section 16 of the Act is liable to be declared as unconstitutional under Article 13 of the constitution read with Article 21 &  226.

12.   Section 16 of the Advocates Act,1961 provides for creating separate classes  of advocates. The term class is defined by BLACK'S LAW DICTIONARY, (Definitions of the Terms and Phrases of American and English Jurisprudence, Ancient and Modern) By HENRY CAMPBELL BLACK, M. A. REVISED FOURTH EDITION, 1968, as follows:
 “CLASS. The order or rank according to which persons or things are arranged or assorted.  Also a body of persons uncertain in number, Weaver v. Liberty Trust Co., 183 A. 544, 548, 170 Md. 212; a group of persons, things, qualities, or activities, having common characteristics or attributes. Inter-County Rural Electric Co-op. Corporation v. Reeves, 294 Ky. 458, 171 S.W.2d 978, 982. Also grade, Commonwealth ex rel. Margiotti v. Sutton, 327 Pa. 337, 193 A. 250, 252. Also same descriptive properties. Cheek-Neal Coffee Co. v. Hal Dick Mfg. Co., Cust. & Pat.App., 40 F.2d 106, 107.”
 Separarte class is essentially different from classification, the difference being hierarchial into higher and lower.
13.The oath of office of every judicial authority to dispense with justice without fear or favour is in question, when the separate class of advocates, first class and second class are representing the court on a given matter. It has become a practice all over the courts to hear the senior advocates at length, leisurely by the bench, whereas the opposite advocates are curtailed with hostility. Even the body language, facial expressions, aggressiveness in conduct and sitting postures are different which the senior advocate faces and the other second class advocates faces before most of the courts, even though still there are some courts which keeps the equal rights as a sacrosanct principle. In most of the courts, as the petitioner has appeared at different parts of the country, the common posture of the bench when addressed by the senior advocates is to lean back and listen with patience and serenity, whereas the attitude other advocates are facing is with leaned forward aggressiveness and bigotry.
14.The time allotted to the senior advocates are at length, sometimes even extending to weeks and moths together, whereas the arguments of the other second class advocates are curtailed abruptly, under the common sarcastic and cynical comments of ‘irrelevant’ , ‘waste of time’ , ‘heard enough’,etc.  There is no system of recording the time allotted for each presentation to both the parties. There are ample occasions the second class advocates are ordered to finish the arguments within one minute! At most one more minute may be allotted! In the contrast if the same side is represented by a senior designated advocate, normally be heard at length. Even when the arguments are on the same legal issues, the hostility the non designated advocates face is the travesty to the right to professional practice and right to equality, which inter alia destroy the right to equality before law, of the citizens of India.  The hostility which the second class advocates face during appearance before many of the benches, when the opposite counsel is high class designated, most of the time destroys the temper of the advocate prepared to argue and under such charged temper the second class advocates are normally under, according to human nature, will never be able to speak up his mind and the intellectual talk fades away for him at least for the instant of arguing. Instead of arguing with intellectual capacity, the second class advocates are often called upon to argue with high emotions, and temper. In the alternative, for the higher class advocates, even after enough and elaborate time frame is given, for any reason he loses the thread of thought process, the bench shows the kindness to restore him by emotional support, back to the track of his thought process. The bench often shows the emotional curtsey to restore the lost thread to the first class advocates, which is often trying to derail the thought process of the second class advocates.   These are the open and apparent distinctions which the second class advocates are subjected to in the present legal system, which akin to suppression of voice to the penniless. It's the denial of justice to the needy. The common man finds it as a fort, where he has no access or entry, whatsoever gross his grievance is.  Hence the system of separate classification of advocates as two separate classes is in violation of Fundamental Rights under Article 14 of the Constitution of India.    It denies to the penniless person, who are unable to afford the inflated fees structure of first class advocates, equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India. It denies the due process of law to the citizens at large.  
15.It's considered as a continuation of Kings/Queens Counsels, whereas in reality it's not. Those appointed advocates are designated to represent the state in any legal proceedings. The King’s/Queen’s Counsel’s were prevented from accepting any brief against the state, initially, and later without special leave.
16.During the British era, bestowing of titles were order of the day, purposely to develop a separate class of people who are privies to the empire purposely to divide the society into multiple layers and enforce the colonialism in it's pristine form. The purpose was to create a separate class over and above the commons to have control over the commons by the ruling class. When India attained independence, the concept of monarchy is dropped, and the Kingdom give way for democracy, to which the concept of classes are alien, and human equality based upon the high values were established. The abolition of titles was one of the major efforts, which our Constituent Assembly did in establishing the right to equality among the people of India.  But certain practices against such high human values are still prevalent. One of such practice is the titles as bestowed upon some advocates without any objective criteria, or subjective standards. A Democratic Republic like our nation can ill afford different classes among people being statutorily recognized by the law. 
17.As a matter of fact it has practically become hereditary, confining the knowledge and authority to a selected family or group of people, who impart knowledge outside the established institutional studies, but within the cabal system of family umbrella. This can lead to a situation, like our ancient India, where the scientific knowledge were afforded to be vanished, where there were seldom people from the same family tree talented and capable to carry forward the lantern of knowledge forward for the benefit of the society and nation as a whole. 
18.Retired Judges are prevented from using the title of Justice(Retired) so and so….when he prefers to re-enroll as an advocate to practice. The very purpose is noble and in consonance with the right to equality. There shall not be any prejudice to the parties to the litigation before any Court on account of his/her previous occupation as a judicial authority. Once that is considered as a noble law, the separation of advocates as different classes is against the very foundation of such noble idea founded upon the Human values.
19.It creates imbalances and inequalities, resulted out of prejudice, emerged from the separate privileges, rights, dress codes, title and salutation and all other elated manifestations associated with it. 
20. If for any reasons the segregation of profession into different classes are essential for the upkeep of the professional standards, and is considered as ‘sine qua non’  for making the professionals more responsive to the national cause, thus making it necessity and good, then such segregation into different classes shall be applied to other professionals also, including judges, being a benevolent replication of goodness and professional esteem.  Whereas the petitioner begs to submit that the said segregation of practicing advocates is unprofessional and anti thesis to professional independence.   
21.Even when the said classification of advocates into different classes is justified as the need of professionalism, it is clearly understood that the said arbitrary classification clearly violates the fundamental professional ethos. None of the other profession has such arbitrary classification of professionals into two classes. Even when some of the profession do have some classification like the chartered accountants are classified as ‘Associate’ and ‘Fellow’, it neither give them any specific rights, nor, it is allowed or evolved to be used as a title. Above this, the classification is based purely upon the well determined qualification of length of professional practice, and nothing based upon the arbitrary influence and discretion of any external authorities, super controlling the professional affairs of the autonomous body, controlling the profession. Hence the arbitrary classification is against the professional conduct of the legal professionals.
22.The other democratic nations do not have such practice of classifying the legal professionals into different classes. The concept of King/Queen’s counsel which was originally meant for the representation of the government in the court, and the same is done in India by the Attorney General of India, solicitor General of India, Advocate Generals of the states and other advocates, subordinate to them. And all the law, rules, customs and practices which were in existence prior to independence, but in contravention of the fundamental rights are eclipsed under section 13(1) of the constitution.  All laws in force in the territory of India immediately before the commencement of this Constitution, in so far as they are inconsistent with the provisions of this Part, shall, to the extent of such inconsistency, be void under Article 13(1) of the Constitution and hence the practice of designating Queen’s Counsel as continued after independence as senior advocates  is liable to be declared as void under Article 13(1) of the constitution read with Article 226.
23. The concept of classifying the advocates profession into two hierarchical structure is alien to such professional independence, where, the said designations are done by the authority external to the professional body, which is supposed to be autonomous in it's conduct and affairs. Hence the way of present appointments are further destroying the professional autonomic conduct of the affairs of the profession by the professionals.   
24.No purpose  is resolved and benefit derived out of this class difference, which cannot be achieved /addressed without having such class segregation.
25.Classification, as allowed by the constitution can be either academic or military which do not bestow any title or right of its own. The academic and military titles are allowed, based upon some given, well accepted crieteria, such as written examination, academic excellence, bravery in action and so on. The practice in vogue with the classification of advocates is founded upon arbitrary decisions, which do not have any objective yardstick, tangible bench mark or academic criteria to be impartial and unprejudiced. 
26.The appointments are effected by the Bench, which is interference with the autonomy and independence of body of Bar. The Bench cannot interfere administratively with the functioning of the Bar which is a statutory Organ. Any interference with the autonomous body by appointments and classification of the members into separate classes is infringement of it's autonomy and essentially violation of the right to practice the profession.  All other professions are also managed by autonomous body to which there is no external interference involved. Even though the interference in the instance case is from the judiciary, it is not in the discharge of the judicial functions of the judiciary. Even though there is apparently a judicial element, as the designations are effected by the judges of higher judiciary, the process is behind the iron curtain, without any transparency and the entry of day light is prohibited. Once it is to be with some judicial element and process, it shall be effected through the open court deliberations. The open court deliberations are the very essence of judicial functioning and elimination of arbitrary and vested interests. The petitioner relies upon the process of appointments of judges of Supreme Court of USA, where the Senate by open deliberations discusses thread bare the veracity of such appointments. That is called the Act of Senate. If the same Senate deliberates it in closed doors, giving room for personal interests to be discussed, it cannot be termed as the Act of elected body. The right to know is the very essence of existence of democracy which is the primordial, transcendental and non alienable basic structure of the Constitution. As the judicial review is the very fundamental basic structure of the constitution, the said appointments being not amenable to judicial review, after being appointed is against the said doctrine as  well.  
27.Further the designation of the upper class advocates by the bench and the eventual creation of hardships to the second class advocates to be heard, is in practice akin to picking up of the counsel to be heard by the bench. The right to be heard is the basic and natural right of the litigants and their counsels. Whereas in the existing scheme of affairs, where the upper class advocates are designated by the bench, they are given a pre audience, the second class advocates are emotionally instigated and not allowed to expound their arguments, the right to be heard is reduced to be the mercy of bench. By the time the upper class advocates finish their arguments elaborately and leisurely, consuming the entire time frame, the lower class advocates are left with no time frame to present their case.   The right has eventually been downgraded to be discretion of the bench. And such discretion of the bench, where the right of being heard is traversed eventually leads to arbitrariness. So under section 16 and 23(5) of the advocates Act,1961 the right to be heard has been reduced to the arbitrary discretion. The doctrine of audi alteram partem – hear the other side or nobody shall be condemned unheard – is a fundamental principle, the first principle of natural justice, which finds a place in the first book of Bible, namely, Genesis, which even God Almighty observed before throwing Adam out of Eden Gardens.  The Supreme Court in A.K. Kraipak & Ors. v. Union of India & Ors., AIR 1970 SC 150, reaffirmed the principle laid down by the House of Lords in Ridge v. Baldwin that the principles of natural justice are inviolable and ought to be observed, no matter the proceeding in question is administrative or judicial, if it were to affect someone’s life or property.  A Seven-Judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, AIR 1978 SC 597, after a detailed analysis of the entire case law and in particular Ridge v. Baldwin and A.K. Kraipak, reaffirmed that a right of hearing is an essential part of the fundamental right and where it is violated, a right is vested in the citizen to seek constitutional remedies and it is the duty on the part of the Court to render relief.  Affirming Ridge v. Baldwin, it held that consequence of violation of natural justice is nullity.  In Maneka Gandhi, the right of hearing – the doctrine of audi alteram partem – was the only issue which was discussed and the Court laid down the law in unmistakable terms that where a statute is silent as to the right of hearing, right of hearing has to be read into it.  That was an affirmation of the doctrine in Ridge v. Baldwin where the House of Lords said that it is not necessary for the legislature to expressly state that interest of justice is to be observed in enforcing a statute and where such requirement is not expressly laid down, it has to be read into, for Parliament expects that the powers conferred will be used in compliance with natural justice.
28.   The law laid down in Maneka Gandhi was re-affirmed by the Constitution Benches of the Supreme Court in Mohinder Singh Gill v. Chief Election Commissioner, (1978) 1 SCC 405, Tulsiram Patel v. Union of India, AIR 1985 SC 1416, and Olga Tellis v.  Municipal Corporation of Bombay, AIR 1986 SC 180.  The law laid down in Maneka Gandhi was elaborately discussed and followed by the Supreme Court in a number of other cases and particularly in Swadeshi Cotton Mills v. Union of India, (1981) 1 SCC 664.  When the upper class advocates are the  pick and choose of the bench under section 16 of the Advocates Act,1961, and Rule 2 of  Chapter-IV of the Supreme Court Rules-2013 framed by the Supreme Court of India in exercise of the powers conferred upon it under Article 145 of the Constitution of India,  and the lower class advocates are turned away at the gates of justice under section 23(5) of the said Act, preliminarily under the pretext of pre audience and subsequently under the pretext of lack of time, it amounts to the violation of the said principles, particularly, the first principle of natural justice, ‘audi alteram partem’, due process of law, and inter alia, the Fundamental Rights of the poor and marginalized litigants and the second class advocates as well.

29.Ubi jus, ibi remedium – where there is a right there is a remedy – is a fundamental principle of law.  The fact that lawyers are treated unequally, as elaborated above, cannot be denied.  Ordinarily, the solution to such upper class and lower class within the community of lawyers ought to be found a solution at the hands of the legislature, particularly since Sections 16 and 23(5) of the Advocates Act, 1961 are primarily instrumental for such class/caste system which is in prevalence.  The solution, therefore, is repeal of Sections 16 and 23(5) of the Advocates Act,1961 and Rule 2 of  Chapter-IV of the Supreme Court Rules-2013 framed by the Supreme Court of India in exercise of the powers conferred upon it under Article 145 of the Constitution of India,  or seek a declaration at the hands of this Hon'ble Court that the said Sections and Rules are void ab-initio and unconstitutional.

30. The Bristish practice of bestowing titles like Lord or Queens/King’s Counsel are akin to the unwritten constitution of monarchy and nation as a Kingdom, and not in consonance with the spirit of our constitution, which is democratic and Nation, which is Republic. British had the usage of allowing titles to it's wards, which is abolished by the Constitution of India. It is the very fundamental right of every citizen. The British used the bestowing of titles as tool to divide the society into sections and rule by it's might. It was a political tool in the hands of the colonizer.    There are no objective standards to this class segregation. The petitioner is at deep pains to hear the people talk of the senior advocates designation as a tradable commodity, where by the dignity and status of an institution, which is sacrosanct in nature, to which the petitioner worship with reverence is traversed.  In England such appointment were made by the King/Queen itself. Later it came to be appointed by a committee comprising of 9 persons, which included even lay people. Here it has come to a stage were the designations are divided and shared among and between the selection authorities, in a most cabal and opaque process.  The knowledge, erudition, prudence, capability, intellect, scholarship of a person shall be known by his/her pleadings, writings, arguments and conduct of cases, and not out of his/her manifested designations, titles, dress codes etc.  The Court proceedings are the public affairs and the public can easily make out, who are capable and who are not.  Even the adaptation of modern technology like video recording and live streaming can be of further assistance to the general public to see and increase their confidence in the judicial mechanism. The public are intelligent enough to select an advocate, who can protect their interest. That does not require any special title as bestowed by the judiciary on selected individuals. It only gives a prejudice to the public that these individuals have better access to the authority and hence has better face value. Apart from such a prejudice, it don’t achieve anything objectively. And inter-alia, such a prejudice becomes a further tradable commodity between the litigant client and the designated advocate, causing serious dent to the image of the institution which is to be protected at any cost. The ability of the better and enlarged access to justice across the bench by the higher class advocates and the possibility of the same being traded at a premium to the litigants creating super enriched citizens/advocates and penniless citizens/advocates are the destruction of equality before law to the penniless citizen litigants and the second/lower class advocates. The strength of the justice delivery system and that of the nation as a state itself survives upon the confidence and faith, it's subjects have in it. The damage to such a faith can result in serious consequences. The petitioner prefers to restrain himself, discussing such consequences.  But the legendary Justice.Krishna Iyer minced no word in describing such a situation. To quote him: ''One day the people of this country will rise and say that we don't want this magnificent red stone edifice on the Curzon Road (now Bhagwan Das Road) because it is seen to be counterproductive and in turn the High Courts".. (Off the Bench by J.(Rtd.) Krishna Iyer,)The law point argued by the second class advocates are discarded in limine invariably, whereas, when the same is argued by the first class advocate as classified by section 16 of the Advocates Act,1961 is obviously heard and considered.
31. A research conducted by the Bangalore based NGO has reached to a conclusion that the average time of disposal of a case is 5 to 6 minutes, which includes the elaborate time allowed usually to the upper class advocates. Whereas in reality, if such elaborate time is excluded, the actual time allowed to the lower class advocates will be much lesser. The copy of Times of India News report dated 07 April,2016 is enclosed hereby and marked as Annexure- ‘A’.
32.Even when the classification of senior advocate is supposed to be a matter of professional excellence, there is a general resentment as widely grown and spread that the same has become a tradable commodity. The petitioner herein is not subscribing to such a wild allegation, just because of lack of tenable evidence. But the fact remains that there is enough opacity in the manner of selection and designation of the separate title and privileges.
33.When truth and righteousness are the hall mark of any activity, the authorities involved, as a matter of pride, are generally interested to create more transparency to the system. But the might and vigor by which the transparency is curtailed in the so called classification and designation emphasis the fact that there is something to hide from the public attention, and that in turn leads to the impression that it has something a trade taking place in an institution, which is sacrosanct otherwise. The sanctity of the appointments should have been declared and opened to the public scrutiny if it were on merits. Whereas, the moment the process is curtailed under the iron curtains, the dignity of the institution is under cloud for the public at large believes that there is something to hide. Hence such activity surely exposes the futility of classes of profession being not on merits.   
34.No appellate authority exist for any complaint to be forwarded. Even the advocates who has not appeared in any case is arranging the superior designation from small states like Sikhim, Meghalaya, Tripura or some other eastern states and continue to utilize the said designation in Supreme Court of India and other High Courts across the Nation.  In 1924, Viscount Hewart, then Lord Chief Justice, stated that “Justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done.”
35.Justice delivery system will be strengthened and  there will be transparency in the judicial mechanism, once the said designation is done away with. Further it will be restoring the lost faith of the public at large in the judiciary by better equality established.
36.The present scenario has emerged a situation by which many a conflicts are not brought to the doorsteps of courts at all, especially by the poor and marginalised, whereby the authorities and even existence of judiciary becomes a matter of question. This is the result of loss of faith to the public in the justice delivery system. 
37.In view of what is stated hereinabove, it is submitted that this Hon'ble Court is invested with jurisdiction to entertain the instant Petition and to issue appropriate writs, order or direction, including declarations as prayed for. Hence, the instant Writ Petition under Article 226 of the Constitution on the following, amongst other : 
1.     T


G R O U N D S

A.           The Advocates Act, 1961 (“Act”, for short), which was enacted to give effect to the recommendations made by the All India Bar Committee in the year 1953, taking also into account the recommendations of the Law Commission in the realm of judicial administration, provides for establishment of an All India Bar Council, integration of the Bar into a single class of legal practitioners known as Advocates, prescription of uniforms and qualifications for admission into the profession of law, creation of autonomous Bar Councils, one for all India and the other for the individual States.  The Act also provided for division of Advocates into two classes, one as “Senior Advocates” and the other as “Advocates”, based on merit.  The words “by virtue of his ability, standing at the Bar or special knowledge or experience in law” are very important to be noticed.  The Act, in enacting Section 16, which provides for division of lawyers as Senior and other Advocates, has chosen to adopt the system prevalent prior to independence when neither Constitution of India nor Articles 14, 19 and 21 thereof were in existence.  The division of lawyers as upper class and lower class is a vintage of the feudal system. 
B.           The Petitioner begs to refer to the recommendations of the Law Commission of India; so too of the All India Bar Committee which, if one were to make an objective reading, contain no justification for continuation of the English tradition of Queen’s counsel and others.  The said recommendations, which offer no rational basis for division of Advocates into two classes, unfortunately, happened to be enacted into law by virtue of Sections 16 and 23 of the Act.  Section 16, which permits the division of lawyers into two classes, is extracted below for ready reference:-


(1)       There shall be two classes of advocates, namely, senior advocates and other advocates.

(2)       An advocate may, with his consent, be designated as senior advocate if the Supreme Court or a High Court is of opinion that by virtue of his ability, standing at the Bar or special knowledge or experience in law he is deserving of such distinction.

(3)       Senior advocates, shall in the matter of their practice, be subject to such restrictions as the Bar Council of India may, in the interest of the legal profession, prescribe.

(4)       An advocate of the Supreme Court who was a senior advocate of that Court immediately before the appointed day shall, for the purposes of this section, be deemed to be a senior advocate:

Provided that where any such senior advocate makes an application before the 31st December, 1965, to the Bar  Council maintaining the roll in which his name has been entered that he does not desire to continue as a senior advocate, the Bar Council may grant the application and the roll shall be altered accordingly.”

C.           Under the English tradition, the Queen’s counsel representing the realm had always a right of pre-audience.  By virtue of Section 23 of the Act, the said practice came to be enacted as the law of the country.  The Petitioner has no qualm about it.  Under Section 23, the Attorney General; so too the Solicitor General, Additional Solicitor General and Advocate Generals are invested with the right of pre-audience.  Sub-sections (1) to (4) of Section 23 deal with the right of pre-audience which they enjoy.  The Petitioner has no quarrel about it, but in addition to the right of pre-audience given to them by virtue of sub-Section (5) of Section 23, “Senior Advocates” too shall have right of pre-audience over other Advocates.  The said provision strikes Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution, which are to be read together, at their very root.  Apart from the Law Officers representing the Central and State Governments, as aforesaid, lawyers who are designated as Senior Advocates, by virtue of Section 16 and sub-Section (5) of Section 23 of the Act, enjoy a right of pre-audience over other Advocates.  The said provisions mean cementing further the casteism, the menace of upper class and lower class, a curse of the country for centuries, being allowed to be statutorily recognized in the legal provision.  The ramification thereof to state it to be catastrophic is an understatement.  Section 23 of the Act is extracted for ready reference as infra:-


(1)       The Attorney General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

(2)       Subject to the provisions of sub-section (1), the Solicitor-General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

(3)       Subject to the provisions of sub-sections (1) and (2), the Additional Solicitor-General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

(3A) Subject to the provisions of sub-sections (1), (2)     and (3), the second Additional Solicitor-General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

(4)       Subject to the provisions of sub-section (1), (2), (3) and (3A) the Advocate General of any State shall have pre-audience over all other advocates, and, the right of pre-audience among Advocates-General inter se shall be determined by their respective seniority.

(5)       Subject as aforesaid-

(i)        Senior advocates shall have pre-audience over other advocates; and

(ii)       The right of pre-audience over senior advocates inter se and other advocates inter se shall be determined by their respective seniority.”


D.            Section 23 (5) of the said Act, which confers a privilege upon a Senior Advocate for pre-audience over other Advocates, is in patent violation of the principles of equality before law under Article 14 and right to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business under Article 19.  The Petitioner’s experience as an organization of lawyers convinces it that “lower caste” lawyers who come from humble backgrounds, who have studied in vernacular language, sons and daughters of farmers, school teachers, taxi drivers etc, far excel the elite class of lawyers who are designated as Senior Advocates when it comes to depth of knowledge, elegance and style of drafting etc.  He can cite hundreds of examples in this regard.  But such talented lawyers - merely because they have no godfather, they are not the kith and kin of Judges and other elites, they do not belong to the chambers of celebrated lawyers – are never allowed to blossom and their talents are nipped in the bud itself.  It is time that the cabal system of designation of a lawyer as a Senior Advocate is dispensed with and all lawyers are treated equally.  By doing so, no heaven will fall; all that could happen is to bring an end to the inbreeding.  If the current system of the kith and kin of sitting and former Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts, celebrated lawyers, Chief Ministers, Governors etc.  monopolizing the august office of the Judges of the higher judiciary, so too being designated as Senior Advocates, will continue, then the Indian judiciary will be deprived of the diversity of genes which alone could provide immunity to the corpus of the legal profession/judiciary to protect itself from the diseases such as corruption, nepotism and malpractices.  Neither in animal kingdom nor in plants inbreeding is permitted; it is against the very law of the nature.  It is worthwhile to note that certain species like elephant foot, nay, even banana plants have become extinct because of inbreeding, being divested itself of its vital diverse genes, which alone could have protected it from the viral attacks.
E.             The casteism prevalent in the legal profession meant that the elite class of, say 5000, could monopolize 95% of the revenue from the legal profession, which today is nothing but an industry, the Petitioner is extremely painful to say so, and which is cornered by 5% of the legal fraternity.  The said 5% are the elite class consisting of the kith and kin of sitting and former Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts, celebrated lawyers, Chief Ministers, Governors et al and a few first generation lawyers who are all politically connected or are close to big industrial houses.  The voice of the other first generation lawyers, the sons and daughters of ordinary citizens, farmers, school teachers, taxi drivers etc., who come from far flung villages of the country and who had not the privilege of being educated in public schools, is never heard.  The high judiciary in India, be it elevation of an Advocate as a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court or designation of an Advocate as a Senior Advocate, has been allowed to be vitiated by private interest, the interest of the kith and kin of sitting and former Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts, celebrated lawyers, Chief Ministers, Governors etc., and a few first generation lawyers who are all politically connected or are close to big industrial houses.
F.                 Under Article 13(1) of the Constitution, all laws in force in the territory of India immediately before the commencement of this Constitution, in so far as they are inconsistent with the provisions of Part-III, shall, to the extent of such inconsistency, be void, and hence this usage of designation, continued from the British vintage is eclipsed under this doctrine. Article 13(3) (a) defines  “law”  as one which includes any Ordinance, order, bye-law, rule, regulation, notification, custom or usage having in the territory of India the force of law.  Further Article 13(2)  declares that the State shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by Part-IIII and any law made in contravention of clause (2) shall, to the extent of the contravention, be void. Hence sections 16 & 23(5)of Advocates Act,1961 are liable to be declared as unconstitutional under Article 13(2) of the constitution read with Article 226.
38.Petitioners crave leave of this Hon’ble Court to add to, alter, amend and/or modify any of the aforesaid grounds as and when required.

39.The Petitioners states that they have no other efficacious alternative remedy than to prefer the instant Writ Petition.
40. The Petitioners have not filed any other Petition before this Hon’ble Court or any other Court, seeking such similar reliefs as being sought in this Petition.

P R A Y E R
It is, therefore, this Hon’ble Court may graciously be pleased to:

a)    To declare under Article 13 of the Constitution of India that section 16 of the Advocates Act,1964 is unconstitutional and ultra vires, being inconsistent and in  violation of the Fundamental rights assured in Articles 14, 15, 16, 18, 19 & 21  of the Constitution to the extend it creates different classes of lawyers, and thus interalia classifies the citizens and other litigants into different hierarchical classes based upon their financial capacities and political powers involved causing deprivation of equality before law and denial of equal protection of the laws, discrimination on the ground of financial capacities, creating separate titles, which involves separate rights, manifestations, salutations and transgresses to the freedom of speech and thus affecting the right to life which is not mere vegetating existence, but involves human dignity, assurance of righteousness, access and establishment of justice as well. 
b)   declare that Rule 2 of  Chapter-IV of the Supreme Court Rules-2013 framed by the Supreme Court of India in exercise of the powers conferred upon it under Article 145 of the Constitution of India, by which an Advocate is designated as a Senior Advocate is void ab initio being inconsistent and in  violation of the Fundamental rights assured in Articles 14, 15, 16, 18, 19 & 21 of the Constitution;
c)    To issue a consequential  writ of mandamus or any other appropriate writ, order or direction to the Respondents herein to abolish the different classes of advocates created under section 16 of the Advocates Act, 1961, which had  evolved as a custom and usage, being stuck by Article 13(1), 13(2) and 13(3) of the Constitution of India;
d)   Without prejudice to the above prayers to declare that the designation process of senior advocates in pursuant to section 16 of the Advocates’ Act,1961, by the judges are the interference with the autonomy of the Bar, which is a statutory autonomous professional body of the legal practitioners, and the affairs of the Bar shall be left to itself to regulate and any interference with the affairs of the management or process of designations of the professionals are against the spirit of law and the right to trade and profession guaranteed under Article 19(g) of the Constitution, and the infringement of the same through the current appointment process by the Judges’ or the panel of judges is thus violating the basic structure of the constitution, namely the judicial review, independence of judiciary and democracy as well, which are primordial, transcendental and inalienable to the constitution mechanism, and thus the said process of appointments by the panel of judges is void ab-initio and non-est in the eyes of law. 
e)     Without prejudice to the prayers (a), (b) and (c) above, to declare that the separate dress code  of the professionals while practicing profession is a professional misconduct, as it is causing serious prejudice to the rights of equality before law to the citizens who are not financially rich to engage the services of such higher class advocates and the rights of lower class advocates as well and such distinguishable dress code is violative of the Fundamental Rights.
f)     To declare that the custom, use and usage of ‘Senior Advocate’ as title by the special classified advocates under section 16 of the Advocates Act,1961 is void  and is eclipsed under Article 13(1), 13(2) and 13(3) read with Article 18 of the Constitution of India;
g)    declare that sub-Section (5) of Section 23, which confers upon the Senior Advocates, who often represent the cause of the elite, the rich and the powerful and at times are pitted against the poor and the miserable, a right of pre-audience over other Advocates, are unconstitutional and void inasmuch as such division/classification of lawyers into two classes and discriminatory treatment of affording pre-audience to one class of lawyers are violative of the equality clause, nay, the very basic structure of the Constitution, so too Articles 19 and 21, which are to be read together with Article 14 thereof and consequently to grant a writ of injunction or prohibition against granting such right of pre-audience or any other privilege to Advocates designated as Senior Advocates;
h)   Without prejudice to the above prayers, to declare that, even if this Hon’ble Court finds that the separate classes of advocates are essential for the profession, it may be declared to be uniformly applied by length of standing or examination conducted, independently managed by the Bar by it's autonomous conduct of it's own affairs and not by arbitrary selection of external interference by the bench, as conducted at present.
i)     Without prejudice to the above prayers, to declare that, the classification of senior advocates as done today shall be made an irrevocable affair at the sweet will of the Bench, and it shall be a permanent classification, once done with an individual, so that the individual so classified can conduct the practice without fear or favour to anybody, but upholding the higher values of the noble profession; and   
j)     pass such other order or orders, as this Hon’ble Court may deem fit and proper under the facts and circumstances of the case.


                                                                   FILED BY


                                                                   (Anjan Sinha)
             Advocate for the Petitioner   
                             Chamber No.47,
Supreme Court of India,
          New Delhi-110001.
New Delhi.                                                   Mob.9769110823



THE ADVOCATES ACT,1961 (25 OF 1961)

CHAPTER III
ADMISSION AND ENROLMENT OF ADVOCATES
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
SECTION 16:-

“16. Senior and other advocates.—
(1) There shall be two classes of advocates, namely, senior advocates and other advocates.
(2) An advocate may, with his consent, be designated as senior advocate if the Supreme Court or a High Court is of opinion that by virtue of his ability [1][standing at the Bar or special knowledge or experience in law] he is deserving of such distinction.
(3) Senior advocates shall, in the matter of their practice, be subject to such restrictions as the Bar Council of India may, in the interest of the legal profession, prescribe.
(4) An advocate of the Supreme Court who was a senior advocate of that Court immediately before the appointed day shall, for the purposes of this section, be deemed to be a senior advocate:
[2][Provided that where any such senior advocate makes an application before the 31st December, 1965 to the Bar Council maintaining the roll in which his name has been entered that he does not desire to continue as a senior advocate, the Bar Council may grant the application and the roll shall be altered accordingly.]”

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

SECTION 23:-


“23. Right of pre-audience.—

(1) The Attorney-General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

(2) Subject to the provisions of sub-section (1), the Solicitor General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

(3) Subject to the provisions of sub-sections (1) and (2), the Additional Solicitor-General of India shall have pre-audience over all other advocates.

[3][(3A) Subject to the provisions of sub-sections (1), (2) and (3), the second Additional Solicitor-General of India shall have preaudience over all other advocates.]

(4) Subject to the provisions of sub-sections (1), 2[(2), (3) and (3A)], the Advocate-General of any State shall have pre-audience over all other advocates, and the right of pre-audience among Advocates-General inter se shall be determined by their respective seniority.

(5) Subject as aforesaid— 
    
 (i) senior advocates shall have pre-audience over other advocates; and     

  (ii) the right of pre-audience of senior advocates inter se shall be determined by their respective seniority. ”

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….






[1] Substituted by Act 60 of 1973 for “experience and standing at the Bar” w.e.f. 31.01.1974 2
[2] Added by Act 21 of 1964 w.e.f. 16.05.1964.

[3] Inserted by Act 47 of 1980 w.e.f. 29.11.1980.